Carlos Fernández de Cossío, the Cuban Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, recently criticized the military interventions and covert actions of the United States, while portraying Cuba’s foreign policy as inherently peaceful.
In a Facebook post, the diplomat listed wars, coups, and espionage attributed to Washington, claiming that Cuba "does not threaten or interfere in the internal affairs of any country." He accused the U.S. government of deceiving its citizens into believing that Cuba poses a threat.
This narrative aligns with Havana's frequent claims of victimization but overlooks over sixty years of documented military interventions, guerrilla support, intelligence operations, and involvement in foreign repressive apparatuses, as verified by international organizations, journalistic investigations, declassified archives, and judicial rulings.
Venezuela: From Guerrillas to Torture Allegations
One of the most notable precedents comes from the Organization of American States (OAS), which in 1964 officially condemned Fidel Castro’s government for its intervention and aggression against Venezuela, following investigations into the supply of Cuban weapons to insurgent groups. In 1967, Cuban fighters took part in the Machurucuto guerrilla landing, aimed at combating Raúl Leoni’s government.
Decades later, Cuban influence permeated the security structures of the Chavista regime. A 2019 Reuters investigation uncovered 2008 military agreements that allowed Havana to advise and reorganize Venezuelan intelligence agencies, train agents, and develop internal surveillance mechanisms.
The UN's Independent International Fact-Finding Mission documented in 2022 the presence of Cuban advisors training officials from Venezuela’s General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence (DGCIM) in interrogation and surveillance techniques.
Reports from the CASLA Institute, led by Tamara Suju, include victim testimonies alleging direct involvement of Cuban officers in interrogations and torture. In 2024, the organization filed a complaint with the International Criminal Court against the Cuban state for alleged crimes against humanity committed in Venezuela.
In January 2026, after the capture of Nicolás Maduro, Havana acknowledged another facet of its presence: 32 members of the Cuban Armed Forces and Ministry of the Interior died during a U.S. operation, while fulfilling security and defense missions in Venezuela, according to the Cuban government.
Latin America and Africa: Exporting Revolution
Cuba's history of foreign operations began nearly with the triumph of the so-called "revolution."
In 1959, armed expeditions organized from Cuba attempted to intervene in Panama and the Dominican Republic.
Throughout the 1960s, Havana promoted, trained, or supplied resources to guerrilla movements in Venezuela, Bolivia, Colombia, Guatemala, Peru, Ecuador, and other Latin American countries. Ernesto Che Guevara’s expedition in Bolivia is one of the most well-known examples.
Historical research and declassified intelligence documents also record support activities for insurgent organizations in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, as well as military assistance to Nicaraguan Sandinistas and Salvadoran guerrillas in subsequent decades.
Military projection extended to Africa, with expeditions to the Congo, support for anti-colonial movements in Guinea-Bissau, and military operations in Algeria, Angola, and Ethiopia.
Angola saw the deployment of over 50,000 Cuban troops simultaneously, while thousands participated in the Ogaden war supporting the Ethiopian government.
Many of these operations were in response to requests from allied governments or in support of anti-colonial movements, distinct circumstances from clandestine infiltrations, but highlighting the military reach of Cuban foreign policy.
Espionage in the U.S. and New International Accusations
Cuba's intelligence history also includes cases legally proven in the United States.
Ana Belén Montes, a U.S. military intelligence analyst, was sentenced to 25 years for espionage for Cuba; Walter Kendall Myers, a State Department official, received a life sentence for a decades-long conspiracy; and Víctor Manuel Rocha, a former U.S. ambassador, was sentenced in 2024 to 15 years after admitting to working clandestinely for Cuban intelligence since 1973.
The Wasp Network also infiltrated exile organizations and collected information on U.S. targets in Florida, even providing intelligence that led to the downing of two Brothers to the Rescue planes, which killed four Cuban-Americans.
In July 2026, the State Department released the report "Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism," detailing the espionage operations, political influence, and revolutionary support promoted from Havana. The document includes numerous verified historical and judicial records.
Fernández de Cossío responded by labeling the report as deceitful, without specifically refuting the main espionage cases it contained.
His recent post continues to depict Cuba as a victim of U.S. intimidation efforts. However, the Cuban operations documented by the OAS, United Nations, human rights organizations, and U.S. courts refute his claim that Cuba never interferes in other countries. One of the oldest pieces of evidence is the 1964 OAS resolution that expressly condemned the Cuban regime's involvement in Venezuela.
Questions About Cuba's Foreign Policy and Espionage
What did the OAS condemn Cuba for in 1964?
The OAS condemned Cuba for its intervention and aggression against Venezuela, particularly regarding the supply of Cuban weapons to insurgent groups.
How did Cuba's influence extend within Venezuela's security services?
A 2019 Reuters investigation revealed that 2008 military agreements allowed Cuba to advise and reorganize Venezuelan intelligence agencies, train agents, and develop internal surveillance mechanisms.
What are some proven cases of Cuban espionage in the United States?
Ana Belén Montes, Walter Kendall Myers, and Víctor Manuel Rocha are individuals who have been legally convicted in the U.S. for espionage activities in favor of Cuba.