Approximately 80% of the food consumed in Cuba is imported, with the country spending around $2.4 billion annually on these purchases. Meanwhile, the production of essential commodities like pork, rice, beans, and milk has significantly decreased.
This begs the question: why can't a nation with arable land, favorable weather, and access to the sea produce enough food for its people?
A comprehensive report by BBC News Mundo, authored by Atahualpa Amerise and published on August 25, explores the historical and current factors contributing to this paradox.
The Roots of Cuba's Agricultural Crisis
The report does not pinpoint a single cause for the crisis. While acknowledging the economic impact of U.S. sanctions, it also highlights strong criticism from experts regarding the internal workings of Cuba's agricultural model.
The figures paint a stark picture of decline. Between 2018 and 2023, pork production fell by 95%, rice by 87%, beans by 70%, and milk by 58%, according to official statistics compiled by the World Food Program (WFP) and referenced by the BBC.
The Strategic Plan for Cuba 2026-2030 by the WFP also outlines the country's heavy reliance on imports for about four-fifths of its food supply, costing around $2.4 billion annually. This plan warns of the average household diet's inadequacy in energy, variety, and nutritional quality.
Historical Dependence and Economic Shifts
The situation is evident in empty markets and a ration book that has long failed to adequately meet nutritional needs. Cuba's significant reliance on food imports has been a focal point in discussions surrounding the U.S. embargo and internal production challenges.
To understand how Cuba reached this point, the BBC delves into the country's historic dependency on sugar. For decades, the island focused much of its economy on producing and exporting sugar to finance the import of other goods, including food.
Prior to 1959, Cuba did produce food. According to the United States Department of Agriculture data cited in the report, from 1955 to 1959, the country averaged 183,000 tons of beef, 39,000 tons of pork, and 775,000 tons of milk annually. At the time, domestic rice production covered nearly half of the internal consumption needs.
Failures in Agricultural Policy Post-Revolution
Commercial dependence was also present: in 1958, the United States accounted for 86% of Cuba's agricultural imports.
After the Revolution's triumph, the Soviet Union became Cuba's primary economic partner, purchasing sugar under favorable terms and supplying oil, fertilizers, machinery, and other resources. Initially, Fidel Castro's government attempted to diversify agriculture but later returned to investing heavily in sugar.
The 1970 sugar harvest reached about 8.5 million tons, falling short of the political target of ten million. In subsequent decades, the agricultural sector operated with high dependency on fuel, fertilizers, machinery, and other inputs from the socialist bloc.
Consequences of the Soviet Union's Collapse
The collapse of the Soviet Union exposed the fragility of this system. Cuba lost both preferential trade conditions for sugar and a crucial source of agricultural supplies.
The sugar industry never returned to the levels of the late 1980s. Production plummeted from around eight million tons in 1989 to less than 150,000 tons in the 2024-2025 harvest, marking the worst outcome in over a century. The latest harvest was even lower than production recorded in 1899.
Nonetheless, a central question in the BBC analysis is why, more than three decades after the Soviet Union's dissolution, Cuba has yet to reorganize its agriculture to sustainably increase food production.
Pável Vidal, a Cuban economist, points to systemic issues. Among the problems he identifies are economic controls, lack of market mechanisms, and the role of Acopio, which contracts part of the production for the state.
Producers sometimes are forced to sell at prices below their costs, while promised inputs don't always arrive, and state companies accrue significant debts to farmers. These payment delays are not theoretical: Cuban producers have reported waiting months for payment for delivered goods.
Structural Challenges and Potential Solutions
Acopio in Havana reportedly owed nearly 200 million pesos to producers, while Río Zaza had more than 150 million in debts to suppliers in Sancti Spíritus.
A particularly telling statistic is that 79% of agricultural land is state-owned, compared to 13% by private farmers and 8% by cooperatives. However, over 80% of food production comes from the private and cooperative sectors, which also work on state land granted for use.
The report also notes that during the Special Period, farmers were allowed to sell certain surpluses after fulfilling state commitments. Subsequently, non-sugar crop production increased, a trend that agricultural economist William A. Messina from the University of Florida cites to emphasize the importance of incentives for producers.
The paradox extends to fishing. Despite being surrounded by ocean, Cuba currently harvests few marine resources for daily consumption. The BBC attributes the decline of the former state fishing fleet to lack of investment, fuel, and maintenance, along with restrictions on private boat use.
Reforms and Future Prospects
Faced with declining production, the government has announced successive reforms. In June, a package of 176 economic and social transformations was unveiled. For agriculture, these include extending land use rights, increasing private sector and cooperative participation, allowing foreign trade, and changing marketing mechanisms.
Miguel Díaz-Canel acknowledged internal obstacles unrelated to the embargo, mentioning bureaucracy, delays, regulations hindering production, and postponed decisions.
In the same context, the sharp declines of 95% in pork, 87% in rice, 70% in beans, and 58% in milk were publicized again.
Depreciation of agricultural assets is another hurdle. The BBC highlights shortages of machinery, fuel, fertilizers, seeds, irrigation systems, transportation, and refrigeration.
In 2024, the Ministry of Agriculture admitted that the sector received just 10% of the fuel it needed and that only 7% of agricultural land was irrigated.
Investment priorities also play a role. In 2024, 37.4% of state investment focused on tourism and hospitality activities, compared to around 2.7% for agriculture, according to official data cited by the BBC.
This disparity has been criticized by Cuban economists. In 2024, tourism investment surpassed agricultural investment by 14 times, according to the National Office of Statistics and Information.
International Comparisons and the Role of the Embargo
The BBC provides an example of production potential with a Vietnamese rice project in Pinar del Río, achieving seven tons per hectare in 2025, compared to a local average yield of 1.6 tons.
This contrast suggests that, even under current Cuban conditions, considerable room exists to increase productivity with investment, technology, and different management methods.
The experience of the Vietnamese company Agri-VMA in Los Palacios already demonstrated yields significantly higher than the national average. A previous report noted an average of 5.21 tons per hectare over several campaigns and yields of up to nine tons per hectare in more recent harvests, compared to a national average of 1.7 tons recorded in 2024.
The U.S. embargo is also part of the explanation. The BBC notes that sanctions complicate Cuba's access to financing, inputs, machinery, and technology, and banking restrictions raise the cost of international transactions.
Although Cuba can purchase food from the United States, it must do so under restrictive conditions and with limited access to credit.
Therefore, experts consulted do not dismiss the impact of external restrictions. Messina argues that while the embargo and sanctions have economic effects, "the fundamental problem is the structure of the system."
Demographic and Environmental Challenges
The demographic crisis adds another layer of difficulty. The BBC points out that over two million Cubans have emigrated in recent years, many of them young, reducing the labor force in a sector that also lacks sufficient mechanization.
Hurricanes, droughts, and power outages further complicate the situation by halting irrigation, refrigeration, and food transportation.
The problem now affects the entire food chain. A recent analysis by the Food Monitor Program warned that Cuba is losing the ability to produce, import, preserve, transport, and distribute food, a situation summed up by the phrase: "The chain is broken."
The BBC reported reaching out to the Cuban government for its stance on the issues discussed in the report but received no response.
Exploring Cuba's Agricultural Challenges
What are the main factors contributing to Cuba's food crisis?
Cuba's food crisis is attributed to a combination of factors, including the impact of U.S. sanctions, inefficiencies within the Cuban agricultural model, and historical economic dependencies.
How has Cuba's agricultural production changed in recent years?
Between 2018 and 2023, Cuba experienced significant declines in agricultural production: pork by 95%, rice by 87%, beans by 70%, and milk by 58%.
What role does the U.S. embargo play in Cuba's food shortages?
The U.S. embargo complicates Cuba's access to financing, inputs, machinery, and technology, increasing the cost of international transactions and limiting food purchases under restrictive conditions.
What reforms has the Cuban government proposed to address agricultural issues?
The Cuban government has introduced reforms, including extending land use rights, increasing private sector participation, allowing foreign trade, and changing marketing mechanisms.