Historian Challenges the Legacy of Céspedes for Using Slaves as "Cannon Fodder" in War

Cuban historian Rolando Gallardo has sparked a critical reevaluation of Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, who is venerated as the "Father of the Nation" in Cuba. Gallardo contends that Céspedes did not genuinely free his slaves during the Grito de Yara, but rather enlisted them in the struggle as "cannon fodder," maintaining their bondage up until the very day of the uprising on October 10, 1868.

In a conversation with Tania Costa for CiberCuba, Gallardo directly challenged the official patriotic narrative: "I want someone to name a single slave of Céspedes who survived the initial stage. None did. They remained enslaved and were then used as cannon fodder," he asserted.

Gallardo's main argument is that Céspedes had the opportunity to unconditionally free his slaves. "He could have set them free and told them to go. Instead, he took them to fight," Gallardo emphasized, arguing that including them in the war was not an act of liberation, but rather a tactical use of human lives. "Honestly, Céspedes. We need to reassess his legacy, don't we?" he concluded.

Reevaluating Historical Narratives

This perspective contrasts sharply with the critical historiography surrounding the Grito de Yara: According to Britannica, Céspedes allowed slaves to join the rebel army only with the consent of their owners and promoted a "gradual and compensated emancipation" to avoid alienating western Cuban plantation owners.

The historian also discussed Céspedes' death on February 27, 1874, in San Lorenzo, Sierra Maestra, suggesting that his own compatriots deliberately abandoned him. He pointed to Céspedes' personal diary, which reveals that he was left without an escort and denied a passport to leave for the United States, actions he believed were done with ill intent.

Questioning the Mambises' Legacy

Gallardo linked these claims to a historical event involving a former slave of the then-president of the Republic in Arms, who was seen entering Céspedes' location just before a Spanish battalion arrived. "Clearly, they left him in an easily accessible place, lacking security," Gallardo remarked, implying a deliberate betrayal or abandonment.

His critique extends to the mambises as a whole, whom he described as a "continuation of Spanish corruption. It's the same thing." Gallardo supported this by examining the republican narrative, noting that "The Republic of Cuba until 1940 was governed by mambises, what we call the Neocolonial Republic." He cited figures like Estrada Palma, José Miguel Gómez, Alfredo Zayas, and Gerardo Machado as evidence, concluding, "In Cuba, we were taught to despise the living mambises and revere the dead ones."

The Broader Debate on Slavery and Cuban Elites

These insights are part of a larger discussion about the role of Cuban creole elites in perpetuating slavery, a topic Gallardo elaborated on in an article for CiberCuba on July 22. He argues that historical responsibility also lies with the Cubans themselves, not just the Spanish colonial rulers.

It's important to note that the complete abolition of slavery in Cuba was not a direct result of the 1868 uprising, but a process that concluded in 1886 by Spanish colonial decree, eighteen years after the Grito de Yara, which the official narrative portrays as the beginning of emancipation.