Recent claims by Miguel Díaz-Canel that the revolution eradicated "all miseries" and that Cubans now enjoy "more rights than ever" are anything but novel.
The tiresome narrative presented by the leader handpicked by Raúl Castro, delivered at the Palace before the compliant Pablo Iglesias, is a well-worn script used for decades to justify 67 years of total control.
Yet, this story crumbles under even the slightest scrutiny of historical data and the country's current reality.
The Republic: Problems, But Not the Ruin Described by the Regime
Pre-1959 Cuba had its share of inequalities, rural poverty, and economic dependence. However, contrary to the official narrative, it wasn't a devastated nation lacking basic services.
In the 1950s, the island was among Latin America's most developed economies. Economic history studies published in the Journal of Economic History rank its GDP per capita among the highest in the region, comparable to Argentina or Uruguay.
Health indicators were robust for the time: a life expectancy nearing 62 years and an infant mortality rate of around 30 per 1,000 live births, some of the lowest on the continent, according to WHO data analyzed in The Lancet. Cuba also had about 6,000 doctors for six million inhabitants, a notable ratio in the region.
In education, literacy rates ranged from 60% to 76% before the 1961 literacy campaign, based on historical census studies. While not universal, it was far from nonexistent.
Additionally, high levels of consumption and modernization characterized the nation, with widespread access to electricity, televisions, and cars, as well as one of the highest caloric intakes in the region, according to FAO historical series.
The image of a Cuba mired in absolute poverty doesn’t align with these facts.
American Dependency: Real, but Neither Unique nor Exceptional
Díaz-Canel frequently describes the Republic as a "neocolony" devoid of sovereignty.
Indeed, there was a strong relationship with the United States, with investments ranging from $750 to $861 million (large sums for the time) in key sectors like sugar, electricity, and transportation, according to State Department documents.
While that presence did foster dependency, it overlooks a critical fact: these companies operated within the Cuban economy, creating jobs, paying wages and taxes, and contributing to the development of entire sectors.
More importantly, Cuba was not an exception. As documented by CEPAL, nearly all of Latin America operated under a model reliant on foreign capital: Argentina with British investments, Chile with its externally owned copper, and Venezuela with multinational oil enterprises.
The issue was not the existence of foreign investment but the combination of dependency, inequality, and institutional weakness.
Turning this into a caricature of a "plundered nation without its own economy" is a propagandistic oversimplification.
Revolution: From U.S. Dependence to Soviet Subordination
Far from eliminating dependency, the revolution transformed it. Cuba became almost entirely reliant on the Soviet Union.
For decades, the country survived on massive subsidies: sugar purchases at artificial prices, subsidized oil supplies, and direct financial support, as documented in studies by CEPAL and economist Carmelo Mesa-Lago.
The claimed "sovereignty" was questioned during events like the 1962 missile crisis, when Cuba was used as a strategic pawn in the Cold War.
The USSR's collapse in 1991 resulted in an economic contraction of over 30%, revealing an uncomfortable truth: the model was unsustainable.
Dependency didn't vanish; it merely shifted from capitalist actors to communist regimes.
Social Achievements: Genuine, but Built on Existing Foundations
The regime often claims exclusive credit for advancements in health and education. However, these didn't emerge from nothing.
Cuba already had a healthcare and educational base before 1959. The revolution expanded and universalized these services, achieving high literacy levels (though not absolute), longer life expectancy (78 years), and low infant mortality rates, according to the World Bank.
Yet these accomplishments coexisted for decades with Soviet economic support and today stand in stark contrast to a reality marked by scarcity.
International organizations like the World Food Program warn of recession, inflation, and growing food insecurity. The UN has raised concerns about deteriorating basic rights, while Human Rights Watch documents blackouts, medication shortages, and a humanitarian crisis.
This is the backdrop against which Díaz-Canel speaks of "more rights than ever."
From an Imperfect Republic to a System Lacking Freedoms
The most profound difference isn't just economic but political.
Before 1959, Cuba was a republic with a multi-party system, elections—albeit with irregularities during periods like Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship—and an active civil society. There was independent press, public debate, and spaces for participation.
After the revolution, a one-party system was established: competitive elections vanished, opposition was banned, and fundamental civil liberties were eliminated, as documented by organizations like Human Rights Watch and Freedom House.
Citizens ceased to be political subjects and became objects of control.
The Official Narrative's Concealed Contrast
Díaz-Canel's notion of "continuity" not only distorts the past but also diverts attention from the present, a tactic taught by the Castro brothers, Fidel and Raúl, over six decades.
While the government speaks of historical achievements, the nation faces one of its worst crises in recent history: power outages lasting up to 30 hours, widespread shortages, and an accumulated economic contraction that has driven hundreds of thousands of Cubans to emigrate.
Historical evidence and current data lead to an uncomfortable conclusion for the regime:
- Pre-1959 Cuba was a relatively advanced country in Latin America, though unequal and dependent.
- The revolution expanded social services but did not start from scratch.
- Dependency never disappeared; it shifted first to the USSR and then to other allies like Venezuela and Mexico.
- The cost has been a stagnant economy and the loss of fundamental freedoms.
The myth of a ravaged pre-revolutionary Cuba and a redemptive revolution doesn't withstand the contrast with the facts.
This isn't about idealizing the past but dismantling a narrative used to justify decades of political control and economic failure.
Today, as Díaz-Canel continues to echo this rhetoric, the reality faced by millions of Cubans—marked by shortages, blackouts, and a lack of future prospects—serves as the most compelling rebuttal.
Understanding Cuba's Historical and Current Context
What was Cuba's economic status before 1959?
Before 1959, Cuba was among Latin America's most advanced economies, with a relatively high GDP per capita comparable to Argentina or Uruguay, despite existing inequalities and economic dependence.
How did the Cuban Revolution affect the country's dependency on foreign powers?
The revolution shifted Cuba's dependency from the United States to the Soviet Union, relying heavily on Soviet subsidies and support until the USSR's collapse in 1991.
What are some of the social achievements attributed to the Cuban Revolution?
The Cuban Revolution is credited with expanding health and education services, achieving high literacy rates and longer life expectancy, though these were built on pre-existing foundations.
What political changes occurred in Cuba after 1959?
Post-1959, Cuba transitioned to a single-party system, eliminating competitive elections, banning opposition, and curtailing fundamental civil liberties.