Cuban State TV Show "Con Filo" Revives Old Threats: "Any Opposition to the Revolution is Counterrevolution"

The state-run television program Con Filo recently devoted an episode to targeting the independent outlet La Joven Cuba (LJC), following an interview LJC conducted with Israel Rojas, the leader of the band Buena Fe. In a blend of derisive irony and thinly veiled threats, host Michel Torres Corona accused the platform of being a “project funded by Norway for subversive activities” and labeled it as a “light reformist opposition,” which, according to the regime's dogma, is still counterrevolutionary.

The broadcast was accompanied by a quote from Deputy Foreign Minister Carlos R. Fernández de Cossío, displayed prominently on screen: “Opposition to the Revolution is counterrevolution, regardless of the name it bears. The founder of the true and genuine Joven Cuba, Antonio Guiteras, neither received nor would have accepted imperialist funding for his revolutionary struggle.” This statement echoes the long-standing Fidelist doctrine of “within the Revolution everything, outside the Revolution nothing,” a principle used for decades to justify censorship, persecution, and repression against any critical voice, even those from within the socialist spectrum.

Torres Corona further asserted that it is a “duty of militants to denounce and combat” media and projects that, in his view, aim to “dismantle socialism.”

Coordinated Attack and Familiar Rhetoric

In its diatribe, Con Filo attempted to link LJC with foreign institutions and actors, suggesting an agenda of interference, and selectively recounted the project's history to depict its current editorial stance as a “reactionary drift” initiated by one of its founders. The accusation, lacking verifiable evidence presented during the program, follows a familiar pattern in official propaganda: discrediting through the suspicion of foreign funding any organization practicing journalism not subordinate to the Communist Party.

This accusation arises amid a broader context of radicalized discourse from the officialdom. Just days earlier, the newspaper Granma resurrected one of Fidel Castro’s most violent phrases: “If the Revolution is thwarted, counterrevolution triumphs, and counterrevolution could only triumph here on the basis of a sea of blood, a real sea of blood.” According to President Miguel Díaz-Canel, the intention is not to remember Castro, but to “bring him to this moment,” making it clear that the regime embraces that intransigence as a current policy.

A Message for Dissent… and Internal Critique

The emphasis that “any opposition to the Revolution is counterrevolution” targets not just openly oppositional media but also critical spaces like LJC, which position themselves within the left spectrum and do not reject socialism as a concept. This expansion of the “enemy” category aims to narrow the margin of tolerance towards reformist voices that might question governmental management without aligning with the official narrative.

The threat is clear: under the Castro regime, any political, media, or cultural agenda not fully subordinate to the Communist Party's ideology will be treated as a hostile project, susceptible to public attack and exclusion from national debate.

The Legal Shield of Intransigence

The assault by Con Filo and the quote from Fernández de Cossío are not mere rhetorical exercises; they find support in the regime's legal framework. Although the 2019 Cuban Constitution does not literally mention “counterrevolution,” it declares the socialist system irrevocable and enshrines the Communist Party as “the superior guiding force of society and the State.”

This framework renders any political or media proposal outside its orbit inherently unconstitutional. The Cuban Penal Code, inheriting provisions like Law No. 425 of 1959, has historically classified “counterrevolution” as a serious crime, with penalties that, in their harshest formulations, have included the death penalty. Although its current version from 2022 no longer expressly uses the term, it maintains criminal figures with the same purpose: punishing foreign funding reception, “enemy propaganda” dissemination, defamation against institutions and leaders, or any action interpreted as aimed at “dismantling the socialist system.” Penalties for these crimes range from several years of imprisonment to life deprivation of freedom, along with disqualifications and other accessory sanctions.

Under this legal architecture, the phrase “any opposition to the Revolution is counterrevolution” is not just an ideological slogan: it can translate into judicial persecution against media, journalists, and activists. The effect is a communicative ecosystem where any criticism exceeding the limits tolerated by the Party faces not only media stigmatization, as practiced by Con Filo, but also severe legal consequences.

In this context, independent journalism in Cuba operates under a dual threat: public defamation as a precursor to potential legal proceedings.

Con Filo's Role in the Propaganda Machine

Since its inception, Con Filo has functioned as a combative propaganda platform, attacking by name opponents, journalists, activists, and independent media. Its language, a mix of mocking humor with political slogans, seeks to mobilize the most ideologically driven base of the officialdom and reinforce the perception that Cuba is under constant siege by “external agents.”

The episode dedicated to LJC and the interview with Israel Rojas illustrates how the regime combines multiple levels of attack:

• The media level, with programs spreading accusations and interference theories.
• The institutional level, with statements from high officials like Fernández de Cossío, elevating those accusations to the official state position.
• The symbolic level, employing Fidel Castro’s ideology to legitimize repression against any form of dissent.

Hardline Approach in Times of Crisis

The hardening of the discourse occurs as the country faces a multi-systemic crisis: power outages exceeding 20 hours, uncontrolled inflation, food shortages, and massive migration. In this scenario, the totalitarian regime seems to be betting on closing ideological ranks, reviving the cult of Castro's figure, and discrediting any proposal for change that does not go through its structures.

The deputy minister’s phrase and Con Filo's script leave no room for doubt: the officialdom does not conceive a space for plural dialogue, not even with sectors that recognize themselves as part of the left. Any criticism questioning the Communist Party's political monopoly will be combated as “counterrevolution,” perpetuating a logic that has suffocated debate and press freedom in Cuba for decades.