On July 31, El Salvador's Legislative Assembly approved a sweeping constitutional reform that allows for indefinite presidential re-election, extends the presidential term, and eliminates the need for a runoff election. This profound change, passed without debate and backed by an overwhelming majority from the ruling party, marks a significant shift in the country's political framework. Critics, including opposition leaders and international organizations, view this move as a clear step towards authoritarianism, as it removes the last legal obstacles preventing Nayib Bukele from remaining in power indefinitely.
The reform was orchestrated by a Congress heavily dominated by the ruling party "Nuevas Ideas." It represents the most substantial modification to El Salvador’s democratic rules since the 1983 Constitution was enacted. Bukele's administration claims these changes empower the Salvadoran people, yet they dismantle constitutional principles ensuring government checks and balances. The result is a legal structure tailored to the most popular and powerful president in the nation's recent history.
Reform Tailored for Presidential Power
The legislative session on Thursday proceeded without parliamentary debate. Utilizing a fast-track mechanism, the reforms to articles 75, 80, 133, 152, and 154 of the Constitution were approved in a single day, bypassing committee review. These changes, endorsed by 57 out of 60 deputies, introduced several key alterations:
- Unlimited presidential re-election, removing barriers to indefinite tenure.
- Extension of the presidential term from five to six years, effective next term.
- Elimination of the runoff election, enabling a candidate to win with a simple majority.
The reform also includes a transitional clause reducing Bukele's current term (2024-2029) by two years to hold unified elections in 2027, aligning presidential, legislative, and municipal elections.
Disassembling Constitutional Checks
Prior to this reform, articles 152 and 154 explicitly forbade immediate presidential re-election and set the term length at five years. Article 75 even penalized promoting re-election. This outcome is the culmination of a process that began in 2021 when the Constitutional Chamber—reconfigured under "Nuevas Ideas" in a move deemed irregular—reinterpreted the Constitution to allow a second consecutive re-election. This reinterpretation enabled Bukele to seek re-election in 2024, after a six-month hiatus as required by the now-revised constitutional article. He secured an overwhelming victory, garnering over 82% of the vote.
Is Democracy Collapsing?
For opposition groups and international bodies, this maneuver represents an institutional breakdown. During the legislative session, opposition lawmaker Marcela Villatoro held a sign stating, "Today democracy died," criticizing the law as being approved without consultation, in a crude and cynical manner. Fellow opposition legislator Claudia Ortiz went further, claiming the reforms aim to perpetuate a small group in power to continue hoarding resources. "This story has been told many times in many countries around the world," she remarked.
International reactions were equally critical. Juanita Goebertus, Americas director for Human Rights Watch, warned that El Salvador is following Venezuela's path, starting with a leader leveraging popularity to consolidate power, leading to dictatorship. Noah Bullock of Cristosal told Reuters, "The day before a holiday, without debate, without informing the public, a single legislative vote changed the political system to allow the president to remain in power indefinitely."
From Popularity to Absolute Control
Since taking office in 2019, Nayib Bukele has enjoyed massive support. His crackdown on gangs, executed under a state of exception since 2022, has been lauded for effectively reducing homicides, transforming El Salvador from one of the world's most violent countries to one of the safest, according to official statistics. However, this security has come at a high cost to human rights. Tens of thousands have been detained without conclusive evidence or proper legal proceedings. Conditions in prisons like CECOT have been described as inhumane by various organizations. Bukele dismisses such criticism, stating in January 2025, "You know what? I don't care if they call me a dictator. I'd rather be called that than see Salvadorans being killed in the streets."
June 2, 2025: Defending Power in a Ceremonial Speech
In a speech on June 2, 2025, marking the first anniversary of his second term, Bukele reiterated his stance against accusations of authoritarianism. Although it was a ceremonial account-giving event, he used it as a political platform to present his vision for the country, defend his governance model, and criticize his opponents. In his address, he asserted that he doesn't care about being labeled a dictator, viewing it as a consolidation of power against what he sees as misinformation campaigns. "We have transformed the country. And if that bothers those used to stealing and governing from the shadows, let them be bothered," he declared. For Bukele, his model is not only legitimate due to popular support but also because, according to his narrative, it represents a new way of doing politics, where rules can and should be adapted to achieve results.
Understanding El Salvador's Political Changes
What are the key changes in El Salvador's constitutional reform?
The reform allows indefinite presidential re-election, extends the presidential term to six years, and eliminates the need for a runoff election.
Why is the reform considered a move towards authoritarianism?
Critics argue that the reform removes checks and balances, enabling indefinite power retention by the president, a hallmark of authoritarian regimes.
How has Nayib Bukele's popularity influenced these changes?
Bukele's massive popularity has facilitated the acceptance of these reforms, as many view his governance favorably due to his effective crime reduction strategies.