Why Is "El Necio" Protesting?: The Futility of Asking the Party and Government to Control ETECSA

A recent social media post by Pedro Jorge Velázquez, a Cuban state journalist known as "El Necio de Cuba," has once again highlighted the internal contradictions within the regime's rhetoric, even among its most loyal supporters. In a lengthy statement on his networks, Velázquez called on the Cuban Communist Party and the Government to intervene in ETECSA's pricing strategy following widespread backlash over the state-owned company's new dollar-priced data packages.

"Within hours of the measure being announced, it became massively UNPOPULAR. I can't recall another decision that generated such instant and widespread dissatisfaction, even among the most committed supporters of the Cuban government and the socialist process. They should consider the impact and listen to the citizens expressing their discontent. If the measure goes against the interests and needs of the people, it goes against the Revolution," Velázquez remarked.

In this situation, the state journalist asserted that "ETECSA will have no choice but to revise this commercial strategy and find a balance between the company's need to earn dollars and the public's need for connectivity—for communication, studying, working, staying informed during frequent blackouts, and also for entertainment."

The intriguing—and revealing—aspect of this case isn't just the measure being rejected even by openly pro-government sectors, but Velázquez's apparent deliberate ignorance of who truly holds power in Cuba.

"I believe the Party and Government should instruct ETECSA's directors to promptly adjust their strategy and find a middle ground: extend the current CUP consumption limit of 6GB, as it is insufficient for the needs of the majority of Cubans who cannot afford the additional packages announced," the journalist proposed.

This statement exposed his lack of understanding—or perhaps intentional oversight—of the true economic power structure in Cuba: ETECSA, along with the Party and Government, all answer to the military conglomerate GAESA (Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A.), the genuine center of economic and political power on the island.

ETECSA: State Enterprise or GAESA's Extension?

ETECSA is presented as a state-owned corporation, but since RAFIN S.A. acquired 27% of its shares in 2011—ousting Telecom Italia—control has been in the hands of entities linked to the Cuban military apparatus.

RAFIN S.A., a shadowy financial entity whose name has been associated with "Raúl and Fidel Investments," maintains operational and capital ties with CIMEX and FINCIMEX, two entities directly integrated into GAESA.

This consortium wields total control over key sectors of the Cuban economy—tourism, commerce, finance, and telecommunications—with discretion, devoid of public accountability or institutional checks and balances.

The Party, the Government... and the Real Power Holders

"El Necio's" grievance isn't so much a critique as a plea to his own superiors. Asking the Party and Government to "make ETECSA reconsider" is like demanding a reflection to alter the owner's face.

In Cuba, the Party and Government aren't autonomous powers but rather ideological and administrative arms of the military, economic, and political command structure embodied by GAESA.

In essence, no one above ETECSA operates outside the same machinery that issued the criticized measure.

A Protest That Highlights Discontent (and Confusion)

The most revealing aspect of Velázquez's text isn't his appeal for sensitivity or to "find a balance" with the people, but rather the tacit acknowledgment that even within the fidelista bloc, the erosion, deafness, and authoritarian governance are apparent.

"If the measure goes against the people, it goes against the Revolution," he wrote. But in Cuba, the Revolution is no longer that propagandistic myth of "people's power": it's an oligarchic power network cloaked in socialist discourse.

The real question isn't whether ETECSA will reconsider. The question is whether any of its true owners are willing to sacrifice profits to prevent a social explosion.

Attacks of Honesty and Blind Loyalties

This incident isn't the first where Velázquez has engaged in what some have called "controlled honesty attacks": moments where he mildly criticizes the system while never straying from his role as a disciplined spokesperson for the regime.

He's done so before regarding blackouts, unpopular measures, or social scandals, always from a paternalistic tone that quickly returns to obedience.

As an article published in CiberCuba in December 2024 pointed out, "The state journalist Pedro Jorge Velázquez seems to be not just stubborn but also blind."

His criticism then, related to the lifestyle of Sandro Castro and the power elite, didn't lead to an ideological break but rather another return to the fold. Velázquez himself has defended Che Guevara's legacy while the heirs of the "revolution of the humble" enjoy Mercedes Benz, private jets, and luxury homes.

From Mariela Castro's feasts in Miramar to Antonio Castro's yacht trips in the Mediterranean or the travels of Marrero's children and Díaz-Canel's stepson across Europe, examples of double standards and lavish lifestyles among the regime's top echelons are countless.

And all are systematically ignored by "El Necio's" moderate criticism, who prefers to focus on effects rather than causes.

Meanwhile, millions of Cubans without stable access to the internet, electricity, or basic food must listen to spokespersons like Velázquez pleading for sensitivity from those who have condemned them to scarcity and oppression.

"El Necio" should open his eyes, not just to see the damage wrought by the regime he defends but to acknowledge that his role as a loyal critic only serves to disguise authoritarianism with a veneer of dialogue. A dialogue that doesn't exist because those in charge live like royalty and govern as a caste, not as public servants.